{"id":276,"date":"2026-06-02T19:09:03","date_gmt":"2026-06-02T19:09:03","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/americanlivingreport.com\/?p=276"},"modified":"2026-06-02T19:09:03","modified_gmt":"2026-06-02T19:09:03","slug":"heres-why-republicans-just-stood-up-to-trump","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/americanlivingreport.com\/?p=276","title":{"rendered":"Here\u2019s why Republicans just stood up to Trump"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Don\u2019t look now, but it appears that Congress is actually doing its constitutionally prescribed job: checking presidential power.<\/p>\n

Read more Alabama\u2019s new congressional maps do the one thing the Supreme Court still forbids<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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On Monday multiple outlets reported that President Donald Trump was backing off of his so-called anti-weaponization fund: the $1.776 billion discretionary account Trump functionally awarded himself as a result of his lawsuit against the IRS. While it\u2019s unclear whether this decision is permanent or final, the reporting all suggests that it is the direct result of an unusual revolt by Senate Republicans, who have openly defied Trump over the fund.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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\u201cIt was a nonstarter from the get go,\u201d Sen. Roger Wicker (R-MS) told NBC News.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Congress is not the only actor to push back on the fund. One federal judge had temporarily paused its implementation, which provided a face-saving pretext for the Department of Justice when it announced the fund\u2019s suspension. Another judge had opened an investigation into the lawfulness of the settlement that created it. And state leaders in New York and California had proposed legislation that would tax any payouts from the fund to their residents at 100 percent.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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But lower courts and blue states have been two of the most consistent actors checking Trump\u2019s abuse of power throughout his presidency. The Republican majority in Congress, by contrast, has been Trump\u2019s accomplice, and he had just successfully targeted members in several primaries to reinforce his dominance. That they intervened in a dramatic and potentially decisive way here demands explanation: What about this fund, amid all of Trump\u2019s corrupt and anti-democratic behavior, galvanized a backlash?<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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To find out, I spoke with DC insiders on both sides of the aisle, as well as leading scholars of American politics. They told a fairly consistent story: one in which the awful election year politics of giving Trump a fund to pay out January 6 rioters, combined with the specific timing of a must-pass funding bill for the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), forced usually deferential Republicans\u2019 hands.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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\u201cWe\u2019re kinda stuck between a rock and a hard place right now,\u201d a Senate Republican aide told me on Monday. \u201cThere were dozens of senators that had concerns [on our side].\u201d<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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This does not mean that Republicans in Congress are, going forward, going to be a consistent roadblock for Trump\u2019s authoritarian ambitions. The circumstances here are specific, and they\u2019re ultimately members of a party he controls.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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But it does suggest that there\u2019s still some congressional limit on Trump\u2019s ability to wield power for personal gain \u2014 a limit that could grow harder the worse his approval rating gets. Trump\u2019s mismanagement of his relationship with Congress is having increasingly real consequences: bad ones for him, but good ones for American democracy.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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The anatomy of a Republican revolt<\/h2>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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To understand what just happened with the weaponization fund in Congress, you need to understand a little bit of context about the past few months of legislative back-and-forth.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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In February, in the wake of the killing of two US citizens during the ICE surge in Minnesota, Democrats demanded strict legislative restrictions on domestic immigration enforcement \u2014 blocking funding for DHS when Trump refused. In late April, the parties agreed to a compromise: They would fund every part of DHS except<\/em> for ICE and Border Patrol, which would operate using last year\u2019s budget outlays until a separate bill could be passed funding them for the forthcoming fiscal year.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Unable to compromise with Democrats on ICE restrictions, Republicans decided to try and pass their funding using a process called budget reconciliation. Reconciliation is not subject to a Senate filibuster and thus can\u2019t be blocked by the Democratic minority, though it does allow them to force amendment votes. The plan was to pass a reconciliation bill in late May.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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But on May 18, the Trump administration announced the creation of the \u201canti-weaponization\u201d fund. It was the result of Trump essentially settling a lawsuit against himself \u2014 he filed suit against the IRS, an agency he controls, as a private citizen over his leaked tax returns \u2014 the fund was designed to support victims of alleged political persecution under the Biden administration. There were no rules constraining its disbursement, and Democrats immediately pounced: claiming that Trump was robbing the Treasury to pay himself and violent January 6 rioters.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Republicans knew that these Democratic attacks had bite. On May 21, GOP senators met with acting Attorney General Todd Blanche to see if there was anything that could constrain potential abuse of the fund. The meeting, by all accounts, was a disaster: Blanche had no good answers for their questions, as the fund was designed to give Trump maximum discretion over payments. Furious, they left town for a weeklong Memorial Day recess without <\/em>passing the reconciliation package funding ICE and Border Patrol.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Which brings us to Monday, June 1: Congress returned to Washington.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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When the day began, Republicans were contemplating a very difficult choice. If they tried to pass the ICE funding bill, Democrats would force them to take a series of votes on amendments constraining Trump\u2019s power over the weaponization fund. If they simply voted down Democratic ideas, they would own the fund in political terms \u2014 becoming valid targets of biting attack ads if Trump paid out a cop beater or child molester. If they passed some restrictions without White House approval, they\u2019d suffer Trump\u2019s wrath.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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And while the revolt was most visible in the Senate, it wasn\u2019t confined there. As Republicans searched for a way out, and Democrats sharpened their knives, House Speaker Mike Johnson went to the White House on Monday to talk with Trump about the fund. We don\u2019t know exactly what was said during that meeting, but leaks about the fund\u2019s suspension began appearing shortly afterward \u2014 with every piece citing Republican opposition in Congress as a key reason for the decision.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Why the GOP revolt on weaponization matters<\/h2>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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It is hard to say, at present, whether the weaponization fund is really dead and gone. Many Republicans in Congress are still skeptical, with some actively pursuing a legislative fix to ensure it stays gone.<\/p>\n

Read more Why young men are killing their sperm<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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\u201cIs the weaponization fund impacting the reconciliation bill and its passage? The answer is yes,\u201d Sen. John Kennedy (R-LA) told Semafor on Tuesday.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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The revolt\u2019s proximate causes are, as we\u2019ve seen, very specific: the perfect storm of must-pass legislation, an election year, and an especially brazen (and widely covered) act of Trump corruption.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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\u201cThe timing of it forces their hand,\u201d said Matt Glassman, an expert on Congress at Georgetown University. \u201cIt can\u2019t be ignored, because the administration chose to announce it at the dumbest possible time.\u201d<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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But there is a deeper, and more important, lesson here: that Trump has limits, even with the mostly pliant Republicans in Congress. This is \u201ca predictable reaction from the members,\u201d says Liam Donovan, a Republican strategist and president of the GOP-aligned Targeted Victory Fund.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Indeed, the weaponization fund is not the only recent act of congressional rebellion.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Trump\u2019s proposal to build a new White House ballroom, widely seen as a pointless vanity project, has run into significant opposition \u2014 with Republicans refusing to fund it as part of the ICE reconciliation package. Just recently, the Senate voted to advance a War Powers Resolution act that would, in theory, force Trump to end the war in Iran absent explicit congressional authorization. And Trump has lost some key policy votes, such as when the House passed a bill in February that would end Trump\u2019s tariffs on Canada.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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In many of these cases, the problem was of Trump\u2019s own making. The ballroom, like the weaponization fund, was an obvious political liability in an election year. The War Powers Act was the direct result of Trump\u2019s heavy-handed attempt to control Congress: it passed because Sen. Bill Cassidy (R-LA) switched his vote to \u201cyes\u201d after losing a primary to a Trump-backed candidate.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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The point is not that Congress has, all of a sudden, discovered its constitutional spine. It is still uncommon for Republicans to fight back against something Trump really wants, and many of his defeats there are symbolic. High-profile effective <\/em>challenges to Trump remain quite rare.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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However, there is a difference between \u201cquite rare\u201d and \u201cunheard of,\u201d which is basically how Congress operated in the early months of Trump\u2019s presidency. It seems that the specific ways he has gone about trying to consolidate his own power has, over time, created space for greater friction in Congress \u2014 or even actively generated pushback. And given the narrow majorities in both the House and Senate, it doesn\u2019t take a lot of resistance to block a bill.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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This creates opportunities for Trump\u2019s opponents. The entire situation with ICE funding, the thing that forced Senate Republicans\u2019 hands in the first place, is a direct result of Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer\u2019s hardline stance back in February. Lacking formal power, Schumer and the Democrats manipulated the legislative process to engineer conflict between Senate Republicans and the White House. They couldn\u2019t have foreseen the specifics of the weaponization fund, but they created conditions where something <\/em>like this became more likely.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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But perhaps more importantly, the budget process creates a bottleneck for Trump\u2019s power consolidation at a moment where time is of the essence.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Despite recent gerrymandering, Democrats remain overwhelmingly likely to retake at least the House in November. Once they control a chamber, Trump\u2019s ability to consolidate power will become significantly weaker: He\u2019ll be unable to pass legislation on party-line grounds, and will face hostile oversight from Democratic-controlled committees.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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If Trump were a more competent authoritarian, along the lines of a Viktor Orb\u00e1n or Recep Tayyip Erdo\u011fan, he might be using his remaining time controlling Congress to grab as much formal power as he could. Instead, he\u2019s chosen to mismanage his relationship with Congress, a series of costly and time-consuming fights that could have been avoided with defter management.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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American democracy would be in far better shape if Republicans actually did care about stopping Trump\u2019s power grabs as a matter of constitutional principle. They don\u2019t, for the most part. But their instincts for political survival, and frustration with the White House, are starting to assert themselves in democratically valuable ways.<\/p>\n

Read more This Democratic governor won in a landslide \u2014 and is now at war with her own base<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

See More:<\/span><\/p>\n
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  • Money<\/li>\n
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  • Politics<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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